Tuesday, 18 August 2026 · Edition: International
The Hindu – Important News Articles & Editorial
Daily current affairs analysis covering Indian Society & Geography, Environment, Indian Economy, and Science & Technology
Today’s Coverage
- Why Adivasis Are Resisting the Ken-Betwa River-Linking ProjectGS I – Society & Geography
- Losing Forest for Trees: The CAG Audit of the Green India MissionGS III – Environment
- Decoding India’s Growth in Merchandise ExportsGS III – Economy
- The Road to E20 Is Not Without BumpsGS III – Economy
- Editorial: Taxing ‘Frivolous’ Industries Will Not Fund India’s ScienceGS III – Science & Tech
Why Adivasis Are Resisting the Ken-Betwa River-Linking Project
The Ken-Betwa River-Linking Project (KBLP) — India’s flagship inter-basin water transfer initiative — aims to divert “surplus” water from the Ken basin to the water-scarce Betwa basin in the Bundelkhand region. Designed to provide irrigation, drinking water and hydropower across 13 districts in Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh, the project is framed as a crucial infrastructure solution.
However, it faces intense resistance from indigenous Adivasi communities — primarily the Gond tribe — in Panna and Chhatarpur districts. The ongoing protests highlight a fundamental friction point in Indian governance: balancing macro-economic development with environmental protection and socio-cultural human rights.
Core Issues & Drivers of Adivasi Resistance
- Communities depend directly on Non-Timber Forest Produce (NTFP) such as mahua, tendu leaves, charwa and guli-golanda for daily sustenance and economic survival.
- Cash compensation fails to replace the continuous safety net provided by forest ecosystems.
- Current policy offers ₹12.5 lakh in monetary compensation and ₹5 lakh per acre.
- Many Adivasi households lack formal land titles (pattas), so unrecorded occupants risk total exclusion from financial rehabilitation.
- Physical displacement destroys ancestral lands (janambhoomi), community structures and sacred cultural spaces.
- Villagers demand community-based relocation (“a village for our village”) rather than individual monetary payouts, to preserve social safety nets and their local dialect.
- The project involves submerging over 5,000 hectares of the Panna Tiger Reserve and felling an estimated 23 lakh trees.
- This biodiversity loss destabilises the local ecosystem, directly degrading the natural resources on which forest-dwelling tribes depend.
Adivasi groups report a lack of meaningful dialogue and top-down enforcement, leading to peaceful agitational movements such as the Chita Aandolan (symbolic pyre protests).
Static Dimensions & Constitutional Framework
| Provision | Key Mandate |
|---|---|
| Fifth Schedule | Guarantees special protection to Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes to prevent alienation of tribal land and ensure self-governance. |
| Forest Rights Act (FRA), 2006 | Mandates recognition of Individual Forest Rights (IFR) and Community Forest Rights (CFR); requires explicit Gram Sabha consent before any forest land diversion or displacement. |
| RFCTLARR Act, 2013 | Mandates Social Impact Assessments (SIA) and sets statutory standards for fair market rehabilitation rather than minimal cash payouts. |
| Article 46 (DPSP) | Directs the State to protect Scheduled Tribes from social injustice and all forms of exploitation. |
| Article 48A (DPSP) | Mandates protection and improvement of the environment and safeguarding of forests and wildlife. |
India Implications
- National River-Linking Programme credibility: KBLP is the pilot for 30 planned inter-basin links — how consent and rehabilitation are handled here sets the template for every subsequent project.
- FRA enforcement deficit: Gram Sabha consent has become a procedural formality in several large projects, weakening the statutory guarantee Parliament created in 2006.
- Tiger conservation trade-off: Submerging core Panna habitat tests India’s ability to reconcile Project Tiger gains with water infrastructure targets.
- Bundelkhand water stress: The region’s chronic drought and distress migration make the irrigation case genuinely strong — making the equity question, not the need, the real policy challenge.
Conclusion & Way Forward
Priority must be given to granting alternative fertile land and forest access jointly in the names of family heads.
Ensure statutory compliance with the FRA, 2006, through transparent consultations with all affected villages.
Implement community-centric relocation strategies that preserve tribal social structures, culture and traditional livelihoods.
The resistance against the Ken-Betwa project underscores that sustainable development cannot treat local communities as collateral damage. The question is not whether Bundelkhand needs water, but whether the state can deliver it without dismantling the social capital of the people who live upstream.
With reference to the Forest Rights Act, 2006, consider the following statements:
- It recognises both Individual Forest Rights and Community Forest Rights.
- The Gram Sabha has a role in initiating the process of determining forest rights.
- Recognition of forest rights is restricted only to Scheduled Tribes.
- Community Forest Rights can include rights over minor forest produce.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
- A. 1 and 2 only
- B. 1, 2 and 4 only
- C. 2 and 3 only
- D. 1, 2, 3 and 4
Click to reveal answer
Answer: (B) 1, 2 and 4 only. Statement 3 is incorrect — the FRA also covers Other Traditional Forest Dwellers who have resided in and depended on forest land for at least three generations (75 years) prior to 13 December 2005. Statements 1, 2 and 4 correctly describe the Act’s scope.
“Development-induced displacement often results in the disruption of social capital rather than merely the loss of physical assets.” Discuss with reference to tribal communities in India.
10 Marks · 150 WordsLosing Forest for Trees: The CAG Audit of the Green India Mission
The Comptroller and Auditor General’s (CAG) performance audit of the Green India Mission (GIM) highlights a systemic gap in India’s environmental governance. Designed as one of the eight pillars of the National Action Plan on Climate Change (NAPCC, 2008), the GIM aimed to enhance forest quality and expand carbon sinks.
Across a decade, however, it achieved less than 10% of its target for forest quality improvement and only 4% for expanding forest cover. As policy priorities shift toward mass tree-planting initiatives like Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam, India risks mistaking tree counting for true ecological restoration — compromising long-term biodiversity, climate commitments and rural livelihoods.
Key Issues & Diagnostic Analysis
- Targeted 1.4 million hectares for forest quality improvement, but achieved only 0.11 million hectares.
- Failed to achieve intended convergence with key financial streams such as CAMPA and rural wage schemes like MGNREGA.
- The India State of Forest Report (ISFR) 2023 showed a total green cover gain of 1,445 sq km, but only 156 sq km was actual recorded forest land.
- The vast majority (1,289 sq km) consists of isolated tree cover outside forests — commercial plantations, roadside trees and agroforestry — while natural dense canopies within recorded areas continue to degrade into scrub.
Top-down plantation drives such as Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam focus on short-term numerical metrics (saplings planted) rather than long-term sapling survival, canopy density or ecosystem health.
- Initiatives like the Aravalli Green Wall attempt quick-fix re-greening without adequately addressing root causes: illegal mining, urban encroachment and the proliferation of invasive species such as Prosopis juliflora (vilayati kikar).
- Monoculture plantations and artificial landscaping cannot replicate natural ecosystems developed over millennia.
ISFR 2023: Decoding the Green Cover Gain
| Component | Area | What It Actually Represents |
|---|---|---|
| Total green cover gain | 1,445 sq km | The headline figure quoted in official communication |
| Recorded forest land | 156 sq km | Roughly 11% of the gain — genuine forest area increase |
| Tree cover outside forests | 1,289 sq km | Commercial plantations, roadside trees, agroforestry — low biodiversity value |
Static Dimensions & Policy Framework
| Framework | Core Provision |
|---|---|
| NAPCC, 2008 | GIM is the primary instrument for fulfilling India’s Paris Agreement NDC target — an additional carbon sink of 2.5 to 3 billion tonnes of CO2 equivalent by 2030. |
| Article 48A (DPSP) | Mandates the State to protect and improve the environment and safeguard the nation’s forests and wildlife. |
| Article 51A(g) | Fundamental Duty of every citizen to protect and improve the natural environment, including forests and lakes. |
| National Forest Policy, 1988 | Envisages maintaining 33% of India’s geographical area under forest/tree cover, emphasising natural regeneration over artificial plantation. |
| CAMPA Act, 2016 | Governs funds collected from user agencies diverting forest land for non-forest purposes; requires strict utilisation for compensatory afforestation rather than generic landscaping. |
India Implications
- NDC credibility at risk: If the primary carbon-sink instrument delivers under 10% of its quality target, the 2.5–3 billion tonne CO2e commitment for 2030 becomes arithmetically difficult to defend internationally.
- Measurement reform needed: Counting “green cover” rather than forest quality allows plantation numbers to mask canopy degradation in recorded forest areas.
- Livelihood dimension: Degraded natural forests directly reduce NTFP availability for forest-dependent communities — linking this audit to the tribal rights question raised in today’s Ken-Betwa story.
- Fund utilisation: Idle CAMPA balances alongside unmet GIM targets point to an absorption and convergence problem, not merely a funding shortfall.
Conclusion & Way Forward
Shift policy emphasis from high-quantity sapling drives to restoring native species, soil hydrology and dense canopy cover in degraded forest patches.
Operationalise administrative convergence between GIM, CAMPA and rural development programmes to ensure stable funding and community-led monitoring.
Use remote sensing, survival-audit frameworks and Gram Sabha involvement under the FRA to track long-term biodiversity outcomes rather than initial planting figures.
India’s ecological security depends on recognising that a tree plantation is not a natural forest ecosystem. Environmental policy must balance numerical targets with ecological integrity — because a forest is measured by what survives, not by what is planted.
Which one of the following best distinguishes forest restoration from tree plantation?
- A. Forest restoration involves only planting a larger number of trees.
- B. Forest restoration seeks to recover ecological structure, native biodiversity, soil and hydrological functions of a degraded ecosystem.
- C. Tree plantation always results in ecological degradation.
- D. Forest restoration is undertaken only inside legally notified forests.
Click to reveal answer
Answer: (B). Restoration targets the recovery of ecosystem function — native species composition, soil health and hydrology — whereas plantation is simply the act of planting trees. Option C is too absolute (well-designed plantations serve legitimate commercial and agroforestry purposes) and option D is factually wrong, since restoration can be undertaken on degraded non-notified land as well.
“A tree plantation is not synonymous with forest restoration.” Explain the distinction and discuss its significance for India’s environmental policy.
10 Marks · 150 WordsDecoding India’s Growth in Merchandise Exports
Ministry of Commerce and Industry data released on 13 August 2026 shows India’s merchandise exports growing nearly 20% year-on-year in July 2026 to reach $44.2 billion. Despite this momentum, the merchandise trade deficit widened to $32 billion due to a steeper rise in imports.
A critical examination reveals that this export growth relies heavily on price fluctuations of refined petroleum products — exacerbated by geopolitical friction in West Asia — while underlying non-oil structural diversification remains gradual.
Core Drivers & Structural Trade Trends
- Petroleum products accounted for 39% ($2.8 billion) of the total $7.26 billion year-on-year export increase in July 2026.
- Cumulative petroleum exports jumped 42.6% in April–July 2026 ($30 billion) against the same period in 2025 ($21 billion), largely driven by elevated global crude and product prices following U.S.–Iran conflict developments.
- Electronics: contributed 30% ($2.16 billion) of the July increase, showing 30.7% growth in April–July 2026 ($21.2 billion) and nearly doubling its overall share in India’s export basket.
- Engineering goods: contributed 25% ($1.84 billion) of July’s growth, expanding 18.2% in April–July 2026 to $46.4 billion.
Higher global energy prices and rising input costs expanded the merchandise trade gap from roughly $28 billion (July 2025) to $32 billion (July 2026).
- Primary destination: the United States remained India’s largest market, taking roughly 20% of total exports despite tariff challenges.
- Shift in shares: Singapore’s share expanded from 2.7% (2024–25) to 4.7% (April–July 2026), while the UAE’s share fell from 8.5% to 6.5% due to West Asian disruptions.
- High-growth markets: export growth surged to non-traditional markets like South Africa, Tanzania, Malaysia, Kenya and Sri Lanka (primarily refined oil), alongside oil-independent growth in Vietnam ($2.6 billion) and Taiwan ($0.8 billion).
July 2026: Who Drove the $7.26 Billion Increase?
| Sector | Contribution | Share of Increase | April–July 2026 Growth |
|---|---|---|---|
| Petroleum products | $2.8 billion | 39% | 42.6% (to $30 bn) |
| Electronics | $2.16 billion | 30% | 30.7% (to $21.2 bn) |
| Engineering goods | $1.84 billion | 25% | 18.2% (to $46.4 bn) |
Shifting Market Shares
| Market | 2024–25 Share | April–July 2026 Share | Direction |
|---|---|---|---|
| United States | ~20% | ~20% | Stable — largest single market despite tariff friction |
| Singapore | 2.7% | 4.7% | Rising sharply |
| UAE | 8.5% | 6.5% | Declining on West Asian disruption |
Static Dimensions & Economic Framework
Targets $2 trillion in total exports ($1 trillion merchandise, $1 trillion services) by 2030 through scheme rationalisation and export hub creation.
Directly supported the rapid growth in electronics exports (smartphones, IT hardware) by expanding local manufacturing capacity and global integration.
Heavy dependence on refined petroleum exports is a double-edged sword: it boosts gross export values during high-oil-price regimes, but raw crude import bills widen the overall trade gap.
Concentration of exports in markets like the U.S. leaves Indian exporters exposed to non-tariff barriers, unilateral duties and external geopolitical shocks.
India Implications
- Headline growth is price-driven, not volume-driven: if crude prices normalise, nearly 40% of the export increase evaporates without any change in India’s productive capacity.
- Electronics is the genuine structural story: PLI-backed electronics nearly doubling its basket share is the one shift that survives a fall in oil prices.
- Trade deficit and the rupee: a $32 billion monthly gap sustains pressure on the current account and, by extension, on external-sector stability.
- FTP 2030 arithmetic: reaching $1 trillion in merchandise exports requires diversification into high-value manufacturing rather than reliance on refining margins.
Conclusion & Way Forward
Expand PLI coverage to high-value engineering components, pharmaceuticals and specialised manufacturing to reduce reliance on petroleum-led value boosts.
Conclude comprehensive Free Trade Agreements with emerging economies to sustain market access independent of regional geopolitical crises.
Deepen domestic supply chains in electronics inputs and industrial machinery to curb the expanding import bill and narrow the trade deficit.
India’s export figures demonstrate strong short-term expansion, but structural resilience requires decoupling export growth from volatile crude oil prices. A 20% headline number built on refining margins is a market outcome; a 20% number built on electronics and engineering would be a policy achievement.
Which one of the following best describes export diversification?
- A. Increasing exports of a single commodity to multiple countries.
- B. Increasing the number and variety of products, sectors and markets contributing to exports.
- C. Reducing imports through quantitative restrictions.
- D. Increasing exports only through government subsidies.
Click to reveal answer
Answer: (B). Diversification has two dimensions — product diversification (widening the export basket) and market diversification (widening the destination base). Option A describes only market spread for a single commodity, which leaves the economy exposed to a commodity-price shock; option C describes import substitution, not diversification.
“High export growth does not necessarily imply structural strengthening of a country’s external sector.” Discuss with reference to India’s recent merchandise export performance.
10 Marks · 150 WordsThe Road to E20 Is Not Without Bumps
India’s nationwide rollout of E20 fuel (petrol blended with 20% anhydrous ethanol), effective 1 April 2026, represents a central pillar of the National Policy on Biofuels. Championed to reduce crude oil import dependency, conserve foreign exchange reserves and lower carbon emissions, the policy has simultaneously ignited a widespread consumer and technical debate.
The transition highlights serious friction across automotive engineering, supply-chain quality control, fuel infrastructure and consumer rights — particularly concerning India’s vast legacy vehicle population.
Core Issues & Engineering Dynamics
- Of India’s estimated 310 million active petrol vehicles, nearly 240 million (77%) were manufactured prior to the BS VI Phase 2 (RDE) norms of April 2023.
- These legacy vehicles — mostly two-wheelers — were calibrated for E5/E10 blends and lack ethanol-resistant components such as Viton/FKM fluorinated rubber or coated metallic fuel lines.
- Ethanol acts as a polar solvent, scouring dormant rust and varnish scale from older steel fuel tanks, which clogs fuel strainers and damages high-pressure injectors.
- Nitrile Butadiene Rubber (NBR) hoses and gaskets absorb ethanol, leading to swelling, embrittlement and fuel leaks.
Ethanol absorbs atmospheric moisture. When water saturation exceeds critical levels (around 0.5%), the water-ethanol mixture separates from gasoline and settles at the bottom of the fuel tank, causing severe internal tank pitting, engine misfires and stalling.
Because ethanol contains 30–35% less energy per unit volume than standard gasoline, legacy engines without dynamic Powertrain Control Module (PCM) recalibration suffer fuel economy drops of 5% to over 10%.
- Underground Storage Tanks (UST) at retail outlets face risk of water ingress during monsoon conditions, leading to bulk phase separation.
- Trace organic chlorides from distillery processing and excessive moisture levels in supply batches create high risks of injector and engine cylinder corrosion.
Two Fleets, Two Realities
| Parameter | Legacy Fleet (pre-April 2023) | BS VI Phase 2 Compliant |
|---|---|---|
| Approximate size | ~240 million vehicles (77%) | ~70 million vehicles |
| Calibrated for | E5 / E10 blends | E20 certified at factory level |
| Fuel-line materials | NBR rubber, uncoated steel — ethanol-vulnerable | Viton/FKM, coated metallic lines |
| Efficiency impact | 5% to over 10% drop without PCM recalibration | Minimal — ECU mapped for E20 |
| Primary risk | Corrosion, leaks, injector clogging, stalling | Batch fuel-quality variation only |
Static Dimensions & Policy Framework
| Framework | Core Provision |
|---|---|
| National Policy on Biofuels (2018, amended 2022) | Targeted 20% ethanol blending in petrol by 2025–26 to advance energy self-reliance (Atmanirbhar Bharat). |
| BS VI Phase 2 — RDE Norms | Mandated since April 2023; ensured newly manufactured vehicles (around 70 million units) possess certified factory-level material compatibility for E20. |
| Consumer Protection Act, 2019 | Protects consumer rights regarding product quality and choice — yet current market conditions lack unblended petrol (E0/E10) options, removing user discretion at retail pumps. |
| Paris Agreement NDCs | Aligns with India’s emission commitments by reducing vehicular greenhouse gases and curbing the current account deficit. |
India Implications
- Energy security vs consumer rights: the policy delivers genuine forex savings and import substitution, but transfers the adjustment cost onto owners of 240 million older, mostly low-income-owned two-wheelers.
- Sugar-ethanol linkage: blending targets tie fuel policy to sugarcane and grain diversion, with implications for water use in Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh and for food-versus-fuel debates.
- Absence of consumer choice: the disappearance of E0/E10 at retail outlets raises a live question under the Consumer Protection Act, 2019, about the right to choose.
- Quality-control capacity: nationwide blending only works if batch-level testing for moisture and chloride content is enforced at the distillery and depot level.
Conclusion & Way Forward
Mandate Oil Marketing Companies to offer lower-blend or unblended petrol (E0/E10) alongside E20 at retail outlets to safeguard legacy vehicles.
Require clear visual indicators of ethanol content at dispensing pumps and enforce strict batch-level testing for moisture and chloride thresholds.
Incentivise development and certification of affordable aftermarket retrofit kits — ethanol-shielded fuel lines and seals — tailored for legacy two-wheelers.
Conduct comprehensive, independent real-world fleet studies across diverse climatic zones to establish long-term empirical data on component durability and vehicle performance.
E20 is a sound macro-energy decision executed without an adequate transition plan for the fleet that already exists on Indian roads. Bridging national energy goals with ground-level consumer protection — through dual dispensing, transparent labelling and affordable retrofits — is what will decide whether the policy is remembered as energy reform or as a cost quietly shifted onto the two-wheeler owner.
With reference to ethanol blending in petrol in India, consider the following statements:
- Ethanol can be produced from agricultural feedstocks.
- Ethanol blending can reduce the quantity of petroleum required for a given volume of blended fuel.
- Higher ethanol blending automatically eliminates India’s dependence on crude-oil imports.
- Ethanol blending can have implications for both energy security and agricultural markets.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
- A. 1 and 2 only
- B. 1, 2 and 4 only
- C. 2 and 3 only
- D. 1, 2, 3 and 4
Click to reveal answer
Answer: (B) 1, 2 and 4 only. Statement 3 is incorrect — blending reduces but cannot eliminate crude dependence, since petrol is only one fraction of total petroleum demand and diesel, aviation fuel, petrochemicals and industrial feedstock still require imported crude. Watch for the absolute word “automatically eliminates”, which is the elimination cue in such statements.
“Ethanol blending is simultaneously an energy-security policy, an agricultural policy and an environmental policy.” Discuss.
10 Marks · 150 WordsTaxing ‘Frivolous’ Industries Will Not Fund India’s Science
Context: The editorial critically addresses the proposal to levy special taxes on lucrative “frivolous” sectors — entertainment, sports such as the IPL, and luxury goods — to fund Indian scientific research. It argues that funding science through targeted sectoral taxation is economically flawed, morally arbitrary, and misses the real structural bottlenecks crippling Indian R&D: bureaucratic rigidity, archaic procurement norms, tax burdens and barriers to private investment.
Key Issues Identified in the Editorial
- Wealth creation is non-zero-sum — profits in sports or cinema do not come at the expense of scientific laboratories.
- Entertainment and sports generate significant economic spillovers, employment and allied industry growth (sports medicine, broadcasting, logistics).
- Government funding comes with rigid micro-management and budgetary compartmentalisation (for example, rigid “electronics” versus “consumables” heads), plus the “use-it-or-lose-it” annual fiscal trap that drives wasteful year-end expenditure.
- Anonymous state allocation struggles to prioritise competing public demands — health versus policing versus science — objectively.
- Mandatory adoption of platforms like the Government e-Marketplace (GeM) and aggressive import substitution force laboratories to accept inferior equipment, delaying research.
- High GST rates and steep import duties on specialised scientific apparatus act as a “tax on knowledge creation.”
Complex Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) compliance and rigid Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) norms disincentivise long-term, high-risk private research funding.
The R&D Spending Gap
| Country | Gross Expenditure on R&D (% of GDP) |
|---|---|
| India | ~0.6% to 0.7% — stagnant for over a decade |
| South Korea | 4.8% |
| United States | 3.4% |
| China | 2.4% |
Who Pays for Research?
| Economy Type | Dominant Funder | Approximate Share |
|---|---|---|
| Developed economies | Private sector | Over 70% of R&D spend |
| India | Central and state governments | Nearly 60% of total R&D funding |
Related Static & Policy Dimensions
Enacted to seed, grow and promote R&D across universities, with a major emphasis on attracting private investment — targeting ₹36,000 crore of its ₹50,000 crore budget from non-government sources.
Archaic recruitment under the UGC Act, 1956 and restrictive financial rules limit institutional flexibility and contribute to brain drain.
On the model of Ease of Doing Business, reducing compliance burdens under FCRA and CSR rules is vital for genuine research autonomy.
India Implications
- Anusandhan NRF viability: the ₹36,000 crore private-capital target cannot be met while FCRA and CSR rules actively deter long-horizon research philanthropy — the funding model and the regulatory model are working against each other.
- Absorption, not just allocation: raising GERD above 1% of GDP achieves little if line-item budgeting and year-end lapse rules continue to distort how money is actually spent.
- Import duty on instruments: taxing precision scientific equipment raises the effective cost of every experiment, functioning as a regressive levy on frontier research.
- Talent retention: UGC-era recruitment norms constrain institutions competing globally for scientists, sustaining outward migration of trained researchers.
Major Recommendations & Way Forward
- Exempt scientific equipment, reagents and inputs from heavy GST and import duties to lower research costs.
- Rationalise GeM procurement norms to allow researchers flexibility in buying high-precision international equipment when domestic alternatives fall short.
- Replace rigid line-item budgeting with flexible, multi-year grant systems to prevent year-end wasteful spending.
- Pair autonomy in fund utilisation with outcome-based evaluation rather than micro-managing input receipts.
- Simplify FCRA procedures for academic research institutes to receive international grants.
- Amend CSR rules to allow funding for high-risk, long-term fundamental research rather than only short-term social projects.
Overhaul the UGC framework for academic recruitment to attract and retain top-tier global scientific talent.
Taxing productive commercial industries to fund scientific research is an inefficient economic shortcut that fails to address root causes. India’s scientific deficit is not merely a revenue problem, but a structural and governance issue. True scientific leadership requires liberalising institutional bottlenecks, modernising procurement, easing tax burdens on research tools, and creating an enabling environment for private venture capital and global endowments. Reducing reliance on bureaucratic discretion while empowering researcher autonomy is the sustainable path toward an Atmanirbhar scientific ecosystem.
“India’s challenge in scientific research is not merely inadequate funding, but inefficient utilisation and governance of available resources.” Discuss.
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