Important News Articles & Editorial Analysis
Chandrayaan-2 identifies ‘probable presence’ of ice in Moon’s south pole
Source: The Hindu, Page 03 | Syllabus: GS III — Science & Technology / Space
Nearly six years after the launch of India’s second lunar mission Chandrayaan-2, scientists have detected the possible presence of sub-surface ice in the south polar region of the Moon — using data from its still-functional orbiter. The study, conducted by the Physical Research Laboratory (PRL), Ahmedabad, has been published in the Nature portfolio. The key technology behind the discovery is the Dual Frequency Synthetic Aperture Radar (DFSAR) payload onboard Chandrayaan-2.
Key Findings & Technical Aspects
Focus on Doubly Shadowed Craters: Scientists focused on craters located within the Moon’s permanently shadowed regions (PSRs) — known as “double shadow craters” because sunlight never reaches their floors.
Highly Favourable Temperature: These regions remain at roughly 25 Kelvin (≈ −248 °C) due to constant shielding from sunlight and thermal radiation — ideal for preserving water ice on geological timescales.
Strong Evidence in Faustini Crater: Of the four craters examined, the strongest evidence was found in a 1.1 km diameter crater located within Faustini Crater.
Lobate-Rim Morphology: Distinctive “flow-like” or curved structures inside Faustini suggest that past meteorite impacts penetrated a sub-surface ice layer — leaving morphological fingerprints of that ice.
New Radar Criteria for Detection
The PRL team devised a precise radar formula to distinguish genuine ice signatures from rough rocky terrain:
| Radar Parameter | Threshold | What it Indicates |
|---|---|---|
| Circular Polarization Ratio (CPR) | > 1 | Strong volumetric scattering — consistent with ice. |
| Degree of Polarization (DOP) | < 0.13 | Depolarised return — characteristic of ice volumes. |
When both conditions hold together, the signature confirms volumetric scattering caused by sub-surface ice — not surface roughness.
Significance of Chandrayaan-2 & DFSAR
Longevity of the Orbiter: Although Chandrayaan-2’s Vikram lander crashed in 2019, the orbiter remains fully functional and has been transmitting valuable data for six years.
Feature of DFSAR: An imaging radar operating at L-band and S-band microwave frequencies. It is the world’s first fully-polarimetric SAR to study the Moon — capable of scanning layers below the surface.
Future Implications for Space Missions
In-Situ Resource Utilization (ISRU): Local resource use will be mandatory for future manned missions. Access to sub-surface ice transforms water availability calculus on the Moon.
Rocket Fuel & Life Support: Ice can be melted for potable water; electrolysis splits it into oxygen (breathing) and hydrogen (propellant) — drastically cutting deep-space mission costs.
Direction for Future Missions: The discovery will inform landing-site selection for ISRO’s upcoming Chandrayaan-4 (Sample Return Mission) and NASA’s Artemis programme.
🇮🇳 India Implications
- Validates the cost-effectiveness of ISRO’s low-cost lunar architecture — a 6-year-old orbiter is still producing front-line discoveries.
- Strengthens India’s positioning in the global lunar economy narrative — sub-surface ice mapping is a strategic capability.
- Direct input into the Chandrayaan-4 sample-return target selection — Faustini becomes a strong candidate landing region.
The discovery of probable sub-surface ice on the lunar south pole — by a six-year-old Indian orbiter using indigenously developed radar — is a powerful demonstration of ISRO’s technological maturity and foresight. It will shape humanity’s understanding of lunar evolution, inform every major lunar mission of the next decade, and bring closer the day when the Moon serves as a propellant-rich launchpad for deep-space exploration.
📝 Prelims Practice
With reference to Chandrayaan-2’s DFSAR (Dual Frequency Synthetic Aperture Radar), consider the following statements:
- It operates on L-band and S-band microwave frequencies.
- It is capable of studying the layers beneath the surface of the Moon.
- It is the world’s first fully-polarimetric SAR to study the Moon.
Which of the above statements is/are correct?
- (a) Only 1 and 2
- (b) Only 2 and 3
- (c) Only 1 and 3
- (d) 1, 2 and 3
Click to reveal answer
Answer: (d) 1, 2 and 3. DFSAR is a dual-frequency (L-band and S-band) instrument, capable of probing several metres below the lunar surface, and the first fully-polarimetric SAR ever flown for lunar science. All three statements are correct.
“It is not fair to judge the Chandrayaan-2 mission only on the basis of the failure of the Vikram lander.” Discuss this statement with reference to the scientific achievements of the Chandrayaan-2 orbiter.150 Words
India, China hold talks on border delimitation
Source: The Hindu, Page 04 | Syllabus: GS II — International Relations / India-China
The 35th meeting of the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs (WMCC) was held in Beijing. Both countries had constructive, forward-looking discussions on border demarcation and management. The Indian delegation was led by Sujit Ghosh, Joint Secretary (East Asia), MEA; the Chinese delegation by Hou Yanqi, Director General, Department of Border and Ocean Affairs, MoFA.
Key Highlights of the Meeting
Gradual Normalization of Bilateral Relations: The two sides reviewed the current situation and expressed satisfaction over progress in maintaining peace and tranquillity in the border areas — which has contributed to the gradual normalization of overall bilateral relations.
Four Main Pillars of the Discussion
| Pillar | Scope |
|---|---|
| Border Delimitation | Defining and clarifying the boundary line on the ground. |
| Border Management | Day-to-day handling of patrolling, infrastructure, and de-escalation. |
| Institutional Mechanism Building | Strengthening existing diplomatic and military-level channels. |
| Cross-Border Cooperation | Trans-border rivers, trade, and people-to-people contact. |
Emphasis on Trans-Border Rivers: India stressed the need for an early meeting of the Expert Level Mechanism on trans-border rivers (such as the Brahmaputra) — crucial for water-sharing and flood forecasting downstream.
Diplomatic & Military Dialogues: Both countries agreed to continue regular diplomatic and military-level interactions through existing mechanisms, including points decided at the 24th Special Representatives’ (SR) meeting.
Special Representatives Mechanism & Future Steps
Preparations for the 25th SR Meeting: Both sides agreed to actively prepare for the upcoming 25th Round of Special Representatives (SR) talks to be held in China.
High-Level Meetings: On the sidelines, the Indian delegation head met Liu Jinsong, DG of the Asian Affairs Department of the Chinese MoFA, and paid a courtesy call on Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Hong Lei.
Acknowledgement of Lasting Peace: The Chinese side stated that talks were held in a practical and friendly atmosphere — both sides agreed to maintain lasting peace and tranquillity along the border.
Strategic Significance
Significance of WMCC: Established in 2012, WMCC is a key institutional platform for de-escalating border tensions and maintaining peace along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). It comprises diplomatic and military officials — not only military officers.
Progress Toward Reducing Tensions: After the strain since the 2020 Galwan standoff, constructive dialogue on border demarcation signals that both sides are moving toward a permanent solution to the boundary dispute.
Water Diplomacy: India raising trans-border rivers underscores that water security and resource management are now an integral part of the India-China bilateral conversation, not just a security file.
🇮🇳 India Implications
- Builds directly on the Hindu Huddle 2026 thesis (covered earlier this week) — India-China normalization is moving from rhetoric to procedural meetings.
- BRICS Summit (September 2026, India-chaired) becomes the natural top-leader follow-up to the SR track.
- Brahmaputra data-sharing remains India’s biggest unresolved upstream concern — every WMCC round must keep it on the table.
The 35th WMCC meeting is a positive, practical step toward resolving the long-standing India-China border standoff. The border-delimitation talks and preparations for the 25th SR round indicate that both sides are seeking stability through dialogue amid wider geopolitical rivalry. Mutual trust along the border is indispensable for lasting peace and economic development across Asia.
📝 Prelims Practice
With reference to the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination (WMCC) on India-China border matters, consider the following statements:
- It was established in the year 2012.
- It is aimed at maintaining peace and tranquillity along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).
- It involves only military officers.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
- (a) Only 1 and 2
- (b) Only 2 and 3
- (c) Only 1 and 3
- (d) 1, 2 and 3
Click to reveal answer
Answer: (a) Only 1 and 2. Statement 3 is incorrect — WMCC is a diplomatic-plus-military mechanism led by Joint Secretary (East Asia) on the Indian side and the DG, Border and Ocean Affairs on the Chinese side. It includes officers from both diplomatic and defence services, not only military personnel.
Why is peace and stability in the India-China border areas necessary for the normalization of bilateral relations between the two countries? Explain with reference to the recent WMCC meeting.150 Words
National Health Accounts: high burden of healthcare costs on people
Source: The Hindu, Page 06 | Syllabus: GS II — Social Justice / Health Policy
The National Health Accounts (NHA) of India has released its latest estimates for 2022-23. Despite modest improvements in public financing, the heaviest financial burden of healthcare in India is still borne by ordinary households. Nearly half — 49.90% — of Current Health Expenditure (CHE) is still Out-of-Pocket Expenditure (OOPE), leaving the financial-protection promise of the system substantially incomplete.
Government Claims vs Ground Reality
Positive Aspects (Government Claims)
GHE as % of GDP: Government Health Expenditure has risen from 1.15% (2013-14) to 1.43% (2022-23) — and 1.48% under the new series.
Share in General Government Expenditure: Health’s share has risen from 3.78% to 4.89%.
Per Capita Government Health Spending: Has grown roughly 2.7× over the last decade.
Actual Scarcity & Global Comparison
Below Policy Targets: Still well below the National Health Policy target of 2.5% of GDP and the WHO recommendation of at least 5%.
Post-COVID Decline: The slight COVID-era public spending bump has reversed. The government share in CHE has declined sharply from 41.1% (2021-22) to 35.6% (2022-23).
Structural Analysis of Health Expenditure
| Component | Value | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Total Government Health Expenditure (GHE) | ₹3,85,332 crore | Less than half of THE |
| Current Health Expenditure (CHE) | ₹7,66,814 crore | — |
| Households’ Contribution to CHE | — | 56.44% |
| Out-of-Pocket Expenditure (OOPE) | — | 49.90% of CHE |
| Centre’s Share in GHE | — | 36% |
| States’ Share in GHE | — | 63%+ |
| Private Hospitals’ Share of CHE | — | 30.83% |
| Government Hospitals’ Share of CHE | — | 16.73% |
Failure of Insurance & Preventive Care
Limited Access to Government Insurance: Total spending under government-funded insurance schemes (like Ayushman Bharat-PMJAY) was just ₹26,266 crore — only 3% of Total Health Expenditure.
Private Insurance Dominates: Private health insurance spending — paid mostly by families themselves — is three times higher (9.2%) than government schemes. Government insurance is not yet protecting families from catastrophic medical bills.
Neglect of Preventive Care: Despite the rising NCD burden, preventive care accounts for only 8.88% of total CHE — a serious mismatch with India’s actual disease profile.
Challenges & Implications
Rising Inequality: Unregulated privatization of health is widening disparities in access to quality care.
Irrational Treatment Practices: Dominance of private hospitals, with weak regulation, drives up costs and exposes patients to irrational or unnecessary treatment.
Vicious Cycle of Poverty: Heavy OOPE remains a major driver of medical impoverishment — pushing middle- and lower-middle-class families below the poverty line every year.
🇮🇳 India Implications
- Connects directly with the NCD 60% figure (covered earlier this week) — high OOPE + chronic disease burden = a slow-burn fiscal crisis for households.
- Strong case to expand PMJAY coverage and outpatient (OPD) benefits — current scheme is hospitalisation-centric while most OOPE is on medicines and diagnostics.
- Reinforces the need to operationalise the Clinical Establishments Act and price-cap critical procedures.
The NHA 2022-23 data make one thing clear — Universal Health Coverage cannot be achieved on the strength of micro-budgetary growth alone. India needs a structural shift in its health approach. Centre and states must together push the public health budget toward 2.5% of GDP, prioritise primary and preventive care, expand the reach of public insurance, and regulate private healthcare effectively — so that citizens are no longer forced to choose between treatment and bankruptcy.
📝 Prelims Practice
Which of the following objectives is related to “Ayushman Bharat – Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY)”?
- (a) To provide free medicine to all citizens
- (b) Providing health insurance coverage to poor and vulnerable families
- (c) Increasing the number of medical colleges
- (d) Providing only primary health services
Click to reveal answer
Answer: (b). PM-JAY is the world’s largest health-assurance scheme — it provides ₹5 lakh per family per year of secondary and tertiary hospitalisation cover to the bottom 40% of India’s population. It is a financial-protection scheme, not a free-medicine or medical-college expansion programme.
Analyse the major reasons for high Out-of-Pocket Expenditure (OOPE) on health in India.150 Words
A pair of legs: women, work, and tuberculosis in Mumbai
Source: The Hindu, Page 07 | Syllabus: GS II — Social Justice / Gender / Public Health
A recent case study on the lives of female TB patients in marginalised neighbourhoods of Govandi and Mankhurd in Mumbai shows how gender inequality, informal labour, and poverty intersect to worsen the health crisis of women living with TB. The central insight: TB is too often treated as a purely medical problem, when in reality its socio-economic and structural dimensions are what most often block women from timely and proper treatment.
Key Challenges Faced by Women TB Patients
1. Diagnostic Delays & Misdiagnosis
Early TB symptoms (fatigue, weakness) are routinely normalised as “daily fatigue” or “work-related” exhaustion in working-class women. Doctors too misread early signs — in one documented case, a neck lump was diagnosed as dandruff. The result: a 2-3 month delay in correct diagnosis.
2. Severe Side-Effects of TB Drugs
TB medications — especially for MDR-TB — cause dizziness, severe weakness, and tooth loss. Yet women are forced to continue household and paid labour through the side-effects.
3. Time Poverty
Per the National Time Use Survey 2024, Indian women spend 305 minutes/day on unpaid domestic work vs 88 minutes/day for men. 40% of women are primary caregivers — making it almost impossible to prioritise their own health.
4. Economic Losses and Catastrophic Costs
Per PLOS Global Public Health (2024), 30-61% of TB patients face catastrophic costs — defined as treatment expenses exceeding 20% of annual household income. TB drugs are free, but 93.4% of total TB spending goes to indirect costs — lost wages, commuting, nutrition.
Structural & Social Barriers
| Barrier | Reality on the Ground |
|---|---|
| Clinic Timings | Government DOTS centres in Mumbai operate 10 am-5 pm. Informal-sector women (e.g., domestic workers) lose half a day’s wages just to collect medicine. |
| Transport & Distance | Per NFHS-5, 56% of women in Maharashtra cite transportation as a major barrier to healthcare. Slums like Govandi have the least access to government health facilities. |
| Social Stigma | Per ICMR studies, 40% of female TB patients face social stigma, job loss, or rejection by family — driving many to hide the disease. |
| Class & Caste Inequality | Govandi/Mankhurd are predominantly Dalit and OBC neighbourhoods. Research shows lower social categories face higher waiting times in health facilities. |
Policy Recommendations & Way Forward
Flexible Clinic Timings: A Chennai study showed treatment completion rates rose to nearly 100% when DOTS clinics offered evening services. Mumbai and other cities should adopt evening/night clinics.
Strengthen Nikshay Poshan Yojana: The current ₹1,000/month nutritional support is inadequate — particularly for informal-sector women losing wages. The amount needs to be revised upward.
Gender-Sensitive Healthcare: ASHA workers and local doctors need specific training to recognise TB symptoms in women — and to ask the questions male practitioners often don’t.
Side-Effect Management: The free TB programme must cover not only the primary drugs but also treatment for side-effects — dental care, mental-health support, supportive therapy.
🇮🇳 India Implications
- India accounts for ~27% of the global TB burden — gender-blind delivery systems undercount and undertreat the female half of the caseload.
- “TB-Free India” targets cannot be met unless time-poverty, informal employment, and stigma are factored into clinic design — not treated as soft-policy issues.
- Direct policy levers: revise Nikshay Poshan amount, extend clinic hours, integrate ASHA-level gender-sensitivity training, and connect TB to the broader NCD + mental health architecture.
This case study makes one thing unambiguous — TB cannot be eradicated by distributing free medicines alone. Until health policy explicitly addresses women’s time poverty, the insecurity of informal employment, and entrenched social stigma, India’s “TB-Free India” targets will remain on paper. Making health delivery gender-sensitive and women-friendly at the last rung of society is the most urgent reform of the day.
📝 Prelims Practice
What is the main objective of the National Tuberculosis Elimination Programme (NTEP)?
- (a) Making India malaria-free
- (b) Making India anaemia-free
- (c) Ensuring prevention, detection, and treatment of TB in India
- (d) Achieving universal health coverage
Click to reveal answer
Answer: (c). The National Tuberculosis Elimination Programme (renamed from RNTCP in 2020) is India’s flagship public-health programme dedicated to TB prevention, early case detection, and full treatment — under the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. The original target year was 2025 (five years ahead of the global SDG target of 2030).
“Tuberculosis (TB) is not only a health problem but also a socio-economic problem.” Explain this statement with reference to women.150 Words
Will increasing the number of Supreme Court judges solve the pendency problem?
Source: The Hindu, Page 09 | Syllabus: GS II — Indian Polity / Judicial Reform
The President has promulgated an ordinance increasing the sanctioned strength of the Supreme Court from 34 to 38 judges. The SC Collegium has already recommended four new appointments. Through the Supreme Court (Number of Judges) Amendment Bill, 2026, the government aims to ensure “speedy justice.” Per the National Judicial Data Grid (NJDG), 93,966 cases are currently pending before the Supreme Court — the question is whether numbers alone fix the problem.
Is Increasing Judges Enough? — The Theory vs. Reality
Government View: More judges → faster disposal of cases. Legal experts (Prashant Reddy and Swapnil Tripathi) disagree — they argue numbers alone are not a permanent fix.
Danger of Conflicting Rulings: More judges → more two-judge division benches → greater risk of polyvocality (contradictory rulings on the same legal question by different benches).
Further Delay: When two coordinate benches disagree, the matter is referred to a larger bench — adding another layer of delay before any final ruling.
Core Reasons for Pendency
Plethora of Special Leave Petitions (SLPs): SLPs under Article 136 were meant to be used sparingly as an extraordinary power. In practice, most of the Court’s time is spent on routine SLPs from minor civil and criminal cases.
Lack of Clear Guidelines: The Supreme Court itself has resisted limiting the scope of Article 136 or building structured institutional filters for its judicious use.
Lack of a Government Litigation Policy: The Government (Centre, States, PSUs) is the largest litigant in the country. Without a coherent National Litigation Policy, even weak cases get dragged to the Supreme Court — and legal strategy shifts every time Law Officers change.
Misuse of Transfer Petitions: Instead of letting a High Court rule on similar pending matters, the government files transfer petitions to move cases to the SC — where they sit pending for years.
Required Institutional Reforms
Institutional Filters: Build a robust screening system — as in many other apex courts — to admit only cases of constitutional or national importance.
Oral Argument Deadlines & Written Submissions: Cap lengthy oral arguments with strict time limits; shift greater weight to written submissions.
Strict Adherence to PIL Guidelines: Enforce the guidelines laid down in State of Uttaranchal v. Balwant Singh Chaufal (2010) to filter out frivolous or politically motivated PILs.
Gender Representation — An Opportunity
Window for Women Judges: The four new positions should be actively used to raise women’s representation in the Supreme Court.
Flexibility on Seniority: The “shortage of senior women High Court judges” argument is a recurring excuse — yet seniority norms have been relaxed multiple times for male appointments. The same flexibility should be applied for women.
Procedural Concern: The expansion could have been routed through normal parliamentary legislation. The ordinance route creates institutional doubts and underscores the need for transparency in appointments.
Quick Reference
| Element | Constitutional / Legal Position |
|---|---|
| SC Sanctioned Strength | Determined by Parliament under Article 124(1) — raised from 34 to 38 via the 2026 Bill / Ordinance. |
| SLP Power | Article 136 — extraordinary jurisdiction; meant for sparing use. |
| Appointment of Judges | Article 124 — by the President after consultation with the Collegium. |
| Current Pendency | ~93,966 cases (per NJDG). |
| Key PIL Case | State of Uttaranchal v. Balwant Singh Chaufal (2010) — guidelines to curb frivolous PILs. |
🇮🇳 India Implications
- The 34→38 expansion treats symptoms; the SLP regime treats the disease. Without SC self-imposed filters on Article 136, pendency will mathematically grow.
- Government as the largest litigant: a binding National Litigation Policy could potentially cut Supreme Court dockets by 20-30% over a decade.
- Gender representation lever: the four-seat expansion is a rare, structural window — its squandering will be politically costly.
Increasing the Supreme Court’s strength may be an immediate, symptomatic remedy — but it is not a cure for the deeper malaise of judicial pendency. Unless the Court tightens rules around its appellate jurisdiction (especially SLPs), the government cleans up its litigation habits, and modern time-management tools enter the courtrooms, the goal of speedy justice will remain out of reach — irrespective of how many judges sit on the bench.
📝 Prelims Practice
Who has the authority to determine the number of judges of the Supreme Court of India?
- (a) Chief Justice of India
- (b) President
- (c) Parliament
- (d) Law Commission
Click to reveal answer
Answer: (c) Parliament. Under Article 124(1), the Supreme Court consists of the Chief Justice and such number of other judges as Parliament may, by law, prescribe. The strength is therefore set by parliamentary legislation — though, as in this case, an ordinance route can be used when Parliament is not in session, to be ratified later.
“Increasing the number of judges in the Supreme Court is not an adequate solution to the problem of pendency of cases.” Critically examine.150 Words
Brinkmanship in an age of escalating conflict
Source: The Hindu Editorial, Page 08 | Author: Arjun Subramaniam (Military historian and strategic analyst)
Context
Recent events — Iran’s threat to close the Strait of Hormuz, and the U.S. blockade of Iranian ports — reflect a resurgence of brinkmanship. The term, a legacy of the Cold War, refers to a single act or series of acts in which a country or organisation deliberately escalates a conflict to the edge of war — to force the opponent to retreat, make concessions, or negotiate.
Historical Origin: Coined by Western political scientists in the 1950s-60s while analysing the Berlin Blockade (1948-49) and the Cuban Missile Crisis (1962) — episodes that came close to nuclear war (Armageddon).
Modern Shades of Brinkmanship
Terrorism & Non-State Actors
Non-state actors use terrorism as a brinkmanship tool — provoking sovereign states into disproportionate retaliation, then leveraging global sympathy. Groups like the IRA (Northern Ireland) and the FLN (Algeria) successfully forced concessions historically; Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State largely failed.
Proxy Brinkmanship
Countries like Pakistan and Iran have practised this asymmetric strategy for four decades — using global terror organisations as pawns to erode the resolve of more powerful adversaries. The October 2023 Hamas attack on Israel is a recent example; Israel’s response in Gaza was an instance of disproportionate counter-brinkmanship.
Brinkmanship of Major Powers
| Power | Brinkmanship Approach |
|---|---|
| United States | Prefers direct military force or economic coercion. Resorted to brinkmanship by blockading Iranian ports after failing to bring Tehran to the negotiating table. |
| Russia | Persistent nuclear sabre-rattling against NATO; indiscriminate use of hypersonic weapons in civilian areas (Kyiv) — protracted Ukraine war as the backdrop. |
| China | Has mastered controlled brinkmanship since 2006 — island-building and territorial claims in the South China Sea and East China Sea. Only Japan (Senkaku) and Taiwan have pushed back strongly. |
| North Korea | Made brinkmanship its primary diplomacy. Economically weak, but leverages nuclear and missile tests to keep regional and global powers on edge. |
Displacement of Diplomacy & India’s Stance
Weakening of Global Institutions: The current geopolitical order is extremely fragile. The UN and other multilateral institutions have been marginalised — diplomacy as a tool for conflict resolution has been displaced by coercion, military force, and brinkmanship.
India’s Strategic DNA: India’s approach has consistently been one of restraint and responsibility — refraining from uncontrolled use of force even after serious provocations, and supporting calibrated measures over escalation.
🇮🇳 India Implications
- The Hormuz crisis (covered repeatedly this week) is the live test-case of brinkmanship affecting India directly — energy, freight, insurance, and rupee transmission channels.
- India’s restraint after Pulwama, Galwan, and successive Pakistan-sponsored attacks has paid diplomatic dividends — but also created an expectation that India will always self-de-escalate.
- The pitch for UN reform (P-5 expansion, UNSC restructuring) gains weight as diplomacy is visibly replaced by coercion. India’s G20 + BRICS chairmanship platforms become the natural advocacy venues.
The rising use of brinkmanship in the contemporary world — under the shadow of nuclear weapons — is a serious warning to global peace. When superpowers and non-state actors alike begin to prefer diplomacy at the edge of war, any miscalculation raises the risk of catastrophic escalation. The world urgently needs to revive multilateral diplomacy and dialogue-based conflict resolution — and India’s restrained model can serve as a guiding light in that effort.
What do you understand by brinkmanship? Examine its growing relevance in contemporary international politics.250 Words
